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Okarvit's policy gamble
page 1
Belson, continued...
The roar from the conference masses could be heard outside the Conference stadium.
Yet, as with the land reform proposal, the President's compromised approach on
Belson seemed to stun the coalition moderates, and sent shivers throughout the Utanian
business community.
It is a compromise because nowhere in the speech was their mention of the dreaded
N-word: "Nationalisation". But, a straw-poll of business managers over the weekend was
almost unanimous in its condemnation of the government's action, however sympathetic
with the reasons they were.
"The President is kow-towing to the coalition's left-wing with another incredibly
radical proposal", said one, "and it is going to do nothing for Utania's reputation as a
socialist backwater." Zeitgeist was not aware that this was the international perception.
Another told Zeitgeist that the policy was "in direct contravention of the
President's own dedication to 'rule of law'."
"He does this, wipes away all agreements between farmers and Belson, in retrospect,
and the doors are wide open. What next? Are any contracts safe? Will he be cancelling
all business contracts?"
"The business community will punish [the President] for this."
The Death Penalty
While the wider community may be shocked by the President's first two major policy
announcements, neither was so controversial that it would not receive wide support, at
least in principle, within the coalition. Not so his third policy, making the Death
Penalty available, but difficult to achieve
No other issue has proven more divisive for the two parties, with tranditionalists
in the Utani-Saedaj party firmly supportive of a death penalty, and liberals in the
Peoples Party are aghast at the suggestion. The various Conference chairmen have been
particularly careful to avoid a significant debate on the issue -- some might say careful
to stifle debate -- knowing that it could have the potential to quickly divide the
conference, when unity was being sought.
The President, however, waded straight into the debate, face-on. He began by
an effective kow-towing to the Savaj Emperor, something he has been careful to never do.
He was President, the modern leader of a modern state, whereas the Emperor was the
remnent of a past age. Thus, it is clear he was speaking to Utani Royalists who have
most strongly protested the President's opposition to the Death Penalty, contravening
Imperial decree that it was "a valuable reserve power of Utani tradition".
"As it is the tradition of the Utani people, indeed a right of the Savaj Emperor",
the President told the expectant assembly, "then this administration will not stand
against the introduction of a death penalty for the highest and most heinous of crimes
against the people of this nation."
"I believe that we should stay with a strictly traditional interpretation of
the Good Book", the President announced over the continual hub-bub of shouts of "shame"
and other vocalisations.
The President repeated more than once that "we must stringently follow the
traditions of good book" with regard to the Death Penalty. Hidden amongst his speech
was a clear indication of what he meant. He explained that in ancient Cruisian religious
courts there were stringent standards of evidence that "should be applied in Utanian law".
Ujam Cathedral (Utani Cruisian Church) deacon and theological historian, Dr David
Urama, explained that the required standards of evidence and witnesses were "so stringent
that it was virtually impossible to gain a conviction".
"When the (Savaj) Emperor declared recently that the death penalty was a 'valuable
reserve power', he was reinforcing the fact that Utani tradition does not permit easy
application of the Death Penalty." Dr Urama explained that Utani tradition permitted only
the Emperor to authorise such punishment in the latter days of the Empire, and that it
was "extremely rarely applied because the standards of evidence has to be unassailable".
Dr Urama provided an example list of requirements from ancient Cruisian courts:
- Two or more "righteous" witnesses, above reproach, must be produced,
- That they saw the accused commit the crime,
- That it was clear that the accused understood that their actions were illegal and
punishable by death,
- Confessions would be inadmissable,
- As would be testimony by family members of victims, or "persons with pre-existing
grievances against the accused", and
- That execution must very quickly follow conviction.
<tech> NB; "Ancient Cruisian Courts" and "traditions", I am really referring to
Sanhedrin and Talmudic law. Since we don't really have a Vex-parallel for "Jewish", save
"People of the Book" or the Westrian sun-worshipping (?!) Helorists, neither of which,
as I understand it, are the pre-cursors to Cruis, and I am trying to evoke them, these
phrases are the best I can do for now.
In drawing on the Sanhedrins, I am referencing the Mark Costanzo Book "Just Revenge:
Costs and Consequences of the Death Penalty" (New York: St. Martin’s, 1997).
</tech>
So, it is clear that the President is attempting to outflank Governor Cryer, the
country's most vocal and high-profile proponent of the death penalty, who introduced it
last year, but is yet to execute anyone. The President will support the penalty even
more religiously than the Governor, but by applying to the letter of religious tradition
the stringent requirements for the penalty to be enacted, the President will ensure that
it is rarely applied.
To appear to be even more for the penalty, for Utani tradition than Cryer, yet
to simultaneously make it harder for Cryer to apply is a master-stroke of wisdom for the
President.
Though, the President may yet be condemned for his proposal by civil rights and
liberal groups, and MPs in his own government, the compromise may yet earn wry smiles from
all concerned. His compromise condemns neither cause, and yet also pleases both: the death
penalty is introduced, and yet it will be far harder to apply than under Nystonia state's
standards for witnesses and evidence.
Such standards, and such a compromise, may yet earn the President the title of
"wisest of them all".
The conference, indeed most commentators, were unsure what to make of this latter
announcement, and the President quickly, and wisely, moved quickly on to other policies.
Wealth through economic growth
The fourth main message in the President's speech was that the job of creating a
federal government was now largely done, and now real services could start to be offered
on a federal basis.
In particular, health and educational funding would increase for the south and west
of Utania, where the poorest Utani live. Numerous new hospitals and health clinics would
now be constructed, with training schemes to create a new generation of Utani health and
teaching professionals.
The President announced various loans and loan guarantees that would be offered to
rural and urban Utani to either invest in and grow the potential of their assets, he said,
or to start new ventures.
The President also stuck firm to his central idea that income and wealth equity
would chiefly come through economic growth, an essentially capitalist belief, not through
radical income redistribution of high taxes and asset confiscation. (Though what the
President thinks radical "land reform" is, Zeitgeist does not know.) To this end, the
President said income taxes should "on the whole" stay at their present levels, warning
of only a "small" increase in corporate taxes "at some later stage" to 25% from their
present 20%.
Finally, to satisfy the moderates in his own Peoples Party, the President
announced that there would be "substantial privatisation" in non-core areas,
such as retail chains.
Overall, the President's speech, over two hours in total, was somewhat better
received than many feared. He targeted all the specific factions within the
coalition with policies that would appeal. Some of them might even be viewed as
extremely wise compromise choices.
And while there is no doubt the President will receive his coalition's
re-nomination for the Presidency, the key issue is whether he will receive the
overwhelming endorsement from his own coalition membership. Then, his only
remaining challenge will be winning the final race against Mr Kemp (or whomever
wins the Conservative-CDP race).
This web-based version of the article was abridged. For a complete version, see
the latest Edition of Zeitgeist Magazine, on sale now. Only Û10.00.
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Stock Exchange:
Stocks continue to stagnate - when will the Govt. release cash controls?
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